Hybridity and post-liberal peacebuilding

Question 1


It can be noted from the given quotation that, the 'corridors of power' and liberal international institutions are unable to deliver liberal peace for all as well as to those people of the new 'liberal ‘states who have been keeping peace operations during the post-cold war period. However, instead of being liberal and agential residents, people have become objects and subjects. With the help of ‘peacebuilding consensus' different kinds of efforts have been identified that appear to be grown. On the contrary, this incident refers to the fact that in the crucial areas, the existing directions of liberal states or peacebuilding are imperfect (Karlsrud, 2019). These directions are ideologically inspired. It can be considered that instead of maintaining universal norms, an appearance of technology and liberal culture of the traditional Westphalian authority are unable to provide democracy, security, human rights, and regulation of law towards its people.

 It can also be stated that it has delivered manipulable resources in a more regular manner towards the intricate structuration of local and international destructive elites rather than the overall populations of these several states. This has also incited reaction, solidarity, silence, and resistance (Jackson, 2018).  It can be also understood that different kinds of institutions have been developed in this manner whereas the influence of liberal politics has generated a very lower impact on the regular life of the citizens of these states rather than in rights-oriented terms as well as general security. The local citizens are basically deployed to show a disordered and homogenous nature to other people whose ambitions along with requirements are not structured towards liberal standards.

In respect of building a strong development in a domestic agency, certain steps have been taken in order to disguise the limited ambitions of the liberal state builders of the country. Additionally, it can be noted that liberal enclaves have the dominance of liberal institutions as well as outlines with the help of state-building and peacebuilding and security of both aspects (Richmond, 2009). The response to this kind of problem has been very insufficient, that aims at civil society, local ownership, and their participation with the help of various methods in the post-war world. As a piece of empirical evidence, it can be stated that South Sudan is facing different kinds of challenges in order to achieve liberal peace along with state-building as it was the newest nation of the country.


It can be understood that liberal peace generates different kinds of impacts in neo-colonialism as well as hegemonic aspects. As for European Union,it can be further expected that the nation will have to spend a large amount of currency towards its reconciliation program as well as peace in the northern region of Ireland and border regions of the country. In other regions of the world, it can be identified that with the help of non-governmental establishments, pro-peace activism has increased in a huge manner in Kenya, where more than 400 pro-democracy as well as new peacebuilding NGOs were created. It can also be stated that different types of foreign policy administrators along with international corporations have modified their business structure in respect of engaging in a set of peacemaking, peacebuilding, peace-enforcement, conflict-prevention actions, and peacekeeping at the basic institutional level (Matyókand Schmitz, 2020). With respect to this situation, the scale of international and national peace-support programs plays a very important role. It can be possible to figure out new strategies with the help of peace-support actions specifically with respect to those elements that are accountable for pro-peace involvements. It refers to the type of their actions as well as their level of interest that they signify.

It can be further noted that, in terms of internationally maintained peace-making, the most appropriate strategy refers to a certain level where the specific elements gather in order to build a definite kind of peace intervention such as the liberal peace. Liberal peace is also referred to as 'liberal interventionism' and it is considered the leading form of internationally supported peace-making. It can be identified that the liberal peace portrays a reflection on the practical and ideological beliefs of major states in the leading international corporations, international financial institutions, and the global north.Liberal peace is further justified with the nature of liberalism in a global manner (Tom, 2017). The kinds of actions that can be identified in the majority of involvements are directly related to state-building and security programs. It can be recognized that the interests that are performed by various peace interventions intend to portray the powerholders on an international basis.

It can be further noted that theoretical underpinning in terms of liberal peacebuilding is majorly associated with a colonial logic of improvement. This particular colonial logic of improvement helps to restructure the societies into states that are severely damaged by wars. It is very necessary to implement liberal state buildings for those communities in order to restore themselves.

Moreover, it can be understood that the effect of liberal state-building does not share a similar perspective with its political aims as well as theoretical assumptions. For that particular reason, the political aims have structured the aspects of peacebuilding in a fewer neo-colonial means in respect of policy and theory (Mac Ginty et al. 2019). In respect of this context, it can be said that the original outcomes of the liberal peacebuilding experiments are very related to the perceptions of the post-colonial theory which states that colonialism is very impactful for any community as it destroys its culture as well as the environment. It can be also understood that postcolonialism is a range of a different set of theories that identify the neo-colonialism in the post-colonial environment. It can be recognized thatliberal internationalism is a theoretical structure of liberal peacebuilding and it is associated with the implications of this viewpoint in respect of international politics.

Question 2

Many countries have recovered from the civil war which deviates substantially from the ‘liberal peace’. But, a particular case is represented after the victory transitions in several countries like Sri Lanka, Rwanda, Angola, and the Ivory Coast. Although a burgeoning literature is thereafter the conflict of reconstruction and peacebuilding, still it is known to all about the peace types which follow victory. According to Piccolino, (2020) these countries might engage in the war-driven state-building process which is similar to those that was taken place historically in the Western part of Europe. The literature says that transition of peace from the war after the victory. The literature also looks at the international peacebuilders and the victors of civil wars who engaged themselves with each other. Victor's piece discusses the normative which is the alternative of liberal peace. Victor’s peace is an empirical peace rather than an alternative, a normative form of peace. The peace of victory focuses on understanding the things that happened in a number of countries. This matter often gets neglected in the peacebuilding debate. In the context of victor’s peace the ‘Foucaldian readings of liberal peacebuilding as a technology of power' were rejected as the readings downplay the local agency. McCargo and Senaratne, (2020) stated that the post-conflict transition and the peace-building literature must give more attention to the local agency in respect of national 'power elites'. 

The peace of victory in relation to international literature

It has been seen from the contemporary and historical relevance that the victory’s peace has always investigated a little which deals with the post-conflict reconciliation, peacebuilding, and reconstruction. In this context Richmond, (2020) argued that the conservative strand of the liberal peace can only be drawn from the victor's peace which prioritizes order, security, and stability. However, he also states that this strand heavily approaches peacebuilding through the externalized approaches. The prevailing of this peacebuilding in countries such as Iraq and Afghanistan gets defeated and occupied by the army of the United States (US). But Fowsar, (2020) does not discuss the victor’s peace in such cases where the intervention of international is less prominent and the victor is just an internal party. 

A fine-grained discussion about the victor's concept is not provided in the literature of war termination, but create an argument sets forward by linking the peace and victory. According to McCargo and Senaratne (2020) a self-sustainable peace is supposed to get from the military victory after destroying the structure of the organization of the losing side. As because the grievances in-between the society may persist at a large, the opposition groups cannot be able to channel into a violent struggle without material and organizational basis. Therefore, the settlements are negotiated through an intriguing hypothesis. As a result, the power relations of the society do not alter and the power of groups does not destroy. Thus, it has it helps to vest the interest in preventing social and institutional reforms. 

The approaches of victory through classic strategic studies are more complex and nuanced. In this context Fowsar, (2020) argued that strategic victory is much more violent than strategic victory. The victory of the military is void if it does not lead with the strategic one. In relation to this, there are various victors’ peace’s variants as there are victors. Each of the belligerents has its own political vision, ideological preferences, and own goals. Moreover, the condition of strategic victory does not only cover the victory on the battlefield. In most of the countries, Victor’s peace is present which included the peace agreement that has been formally concluded. The peace-building successes of countries such as East Timor, Mozambique, and Namibia have achieved their goals without winning militarily.  In other countries, belligerents have failed to win the peace though they have won the war.

The practice of Victor's peace

A long debate of the quantitative researchers has implicated the victory versus the negotiable settlements on the type of peace and the sustainability after the termination of the conflict. As stated by Piccolino and Humboldt, (2020) the peacebuilding scholars rarely engaged with the large body of literature so that it gives a preliminary insight into the characters of the victory’s peace. The findings of empirical research are often affected and contradicted by methodological challenges but they come to a consensus on various points.  Therefore Richmond, (2020) argued in this context that when the wars are fought decisively then it is less likely to recur but the appearance of victory is more likely. This victory is followed by the political repression for the establishment of the formal institutions of liberal democracy which concur peace. 

Engagement with the ‘victor’s peace’

For encountering the victor’s peace, the case of Rwanda can be illustrated where the dilemmas and the tensions of the peacebuilders can be seen. At the meeting of Kigali, the head of the European Union, Michael Arrison endorsed the Rwandan government narrative by praising the security and stability of the country. However, the relations of the Rwandan government with the other peacebuilders such as human rights NGOs and the International Tribunal have been conjunct with the conflict and tensions. The peacebuilders of the western part have held the view that no state-building project is possible outside the Western part and at the same time, the western peacebuilders also have a view that for the achievement of long lasting peace, democratization is the most secure avenue. Thus, victor's peace became more challenging for them. With respect to this Piccolino and Humboldt, (2020) stated that the project of liberal peace can be broken into several gradations and can make a conservative model through it. So, this peace after a breakdown can be tracked down the realistic thinkers like Thomas Hobbes, Carl Von Clausewitz, and Niccolo Machiavelli. The attempts of the realistic thinkers are misguided externally at the building of the institutions and imposing peace which leads to outcomes that are unsustainable.

Question 3


It can be agreed with the statement that states that the term reconciliation is used in political disclosure and mainly as a diplomatic process.

It can be noted that the concept of reconciliation is considered as a universal method that is used to avoid further war in those societies that have already experienced conflicts. There are various opinions about the perception of reconciliation. It can be stated that reconciliation is acknowledged as a social process that includes the mutual involvement of past incidents. It also helps to bring change in destructive behavior and nature into constructive connections in order to build sustainable peace for the future. With the help of a reconciliation strategy, two countries can negotiate between them that are ready to engage in war. It can be further noted that the survivor as well as the victim country can forgive the attacker country without taking any violence-based step for the greater good of the society. In addition, it can be noted that there is a certain difference between forgiveness and reconciliation.Forgiveness is basically a one-way process whereas reconciliation is considered as a two-way process that includes both victim and attacker which is a mutual procedure (Kuokkanen, 2020). Another major important difference is that the forgiveness is a short-term procedure whereas the reconciliation system is a long-term process. Several factors are necessary for the reconciliation procedure. These factors are socio-cultural, political, economic, pomological, juridical, and religious aspects. It can be further stated that the procedure of reconciliation can also be identified from three distinct social aspects such as grassroots, middle range, and top-level. Each of the social levels has different approaches as well as actors. The treatment of each level offers various suggestions in order to maintain improvement cooperation.

It can be also acknowledged that national as well as international criminals are identified as a top-level method of the reconciliation procedure. Due to that reason, responsibility, justice as well as punishment of particular crimes are very essential to practice for reconciliation. Moreover, a proper effective legal system is very crucial for a society as it helps to build safety and order in the system. It can be said that this way criminal tribunals play a major role in the procedure of reconciliation. In addition to that, the respected leaders of the community can be identified as top-level actors in the reconciliation process (Denis and Bailey, 2016). Middle range aspects are considered as one of the most important factors because it spreads motivation in grassroots and top-level. As for the aspect of the reconciliation, the most important middle-range actors are the truth commissions and the media. It can be also understood that the media plays a very important part in motivating behaviors as well as attitudes of the people.The grassroots level consists of the entire population of a community. As for evidence, the pact between Germany and Russia can be identified as an example of reconciliation. The pact is also referred to as the Nazi-Soviet nonaggression pact that was conducted only a few days ago before starting World War II. For that reconciliation strategy, the eastern region of Europe was separated into Soviet and German influence.


 Since the late 1980s, John Lederach has been using the phrase “conflict transformation”. Though the easy was written fourteen years back still the concepts are very relevant in the modern world. It is very important to figure out the political conflicts which the people of the US and Europe are facing. Thus, in support of conflict transformation, the positive and the negative impact of Track II are shown through the conflict and change. 

‘Conflict and change’

In human life, conflict and change are the normal part. In human relationships, conflict is present continuously Khalaf, (2020). Thus, the fabric of these relationships is changing constantly. Before the discussion of any practical approaches to conflict transformation, it is needed to understand the link between the change and the conflict. There are four modes of central in which things change and situations get impacted. Thus, the four center modes are as follows:

  • The relational

  • The cultural

  • The personal

  • The structural

In addition to that, these changes can be thought through two questions.  The first one is “what does conflict change?” and the second one is “what kind of changes they seek?” for the first question, they simply acknowledge the impact of social conflict and the common patterns. But, for the second question, they recognize the need for identification of their intentions and values which may b actively seek to intervene, respond, and can create a change. 

Here, the personal dimension can be referred to as the changes of desire for the individual. This includes the perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and spiritual aspects of the experience of humans over the conflict course. From the perspective of description, the transformation suggests that mainly individuals get affected by the confliction of both positive and negative ways. Just, for example, the conflict affects the individual’s emotional stability, physical well-being, spiritual integrity, self-esteem, and the capacity to perceive accurately. Also, the transformation represents the intervention deliberately for minimizing the destructive effects of any kind of social conflict and maximizing its potentiality for the growth of an individual in relation to the emotional, physical, and spiritual levels. 

The relational dimension shows the changes of desire for the face to face relationships. The issues such as power, emotions, interdependence, and the interactive aspects of the conflict are central Raimundo, (2020). From the perspective of description, transformation can be referred to how the interaction in relationships and also refers to communication pattern which is affected by any kind of conflict.   

 The structural dimension shows the conflict’s underlying causes and stresses the ways in which institutions, organizations, and social structures are changed, sustained, and built by the conflict. Therefore, it can be said that this dimension is all about the ways people organize economic, social, and institutional relationships.

The cultural dimension refers to the ways through which the conflict changes the group life patterns and affects the culture in the process of development for handling and responding to the conflict Schäfer et al. (2020). Descriptively, transformation seeks for understanding how conflict affects and changes the group’s cultural patterns and how those shared and accumulated patterns affect the way of people. 

Thus, it can be noted that there are various positive and negative impacts of the four center modes with respect to conflict transformation.


Denis, J.S. and Bailey, K.A., 2016. ‘You Can’t Have Reconciliation Without Justice’: How Non-Indigenous Participants in Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Process Understand Their Roles and Goals. In The limits of settler colonial reconciliation (pp. 137-158). Springer, Singapore.

Fowsar, M.A.M., 2020. Third-Party Mediation in Sri Lanka's Peace Attempts: A Study on the Role of Norwegian Mediation. J. Pol. & L.13, p.30.

Jackson, R., 2018. Post-liberal peacebuilding and the pacifist state. Peacebuilding6(1), pp.1-16.

Karlsrud, J., 2019. From liberal peacebuilding to stabilization and counterterrorism. International Peacekeeping26(1), pp.1-21.

Khalaf, R.W., 2020. Cultural heritage reconstruction after armed conflict: Continuity, change, and sustainability. The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice11(1), pp.4-20.

Kuokkanen, R., 2020. Reconciliation as a threat or structural change? The truth and reconciliation process and settler colonial policy making in Finland. Human Rights Review.

Mac Ginty, R., Joshi, M. and Lee, S., 2019. Liberal Peace Implementation and the Durability of Post-war Peace. International Peacekeeping26(4), pp.457-486.

Matyók, T. and Schmitz, C.L., 2020. The Potential for Violence in Helping: Resisting the Neo-Colonialism of Humanitarian Action. In Violence: Probing the Boundaries around the World (pp. 56-72). Brill Rodopi.

McCargo, D. and Senaratne, D., 2020. Victor’s memory: Sri Lanka’s post-war memoryscape in comparative perspective. Conflict, Security & Development20(1), pp.97-113.

Piccolino, G. and Humboldt, A., 2020. [online] Ecpr.eu. Available at: [Accessed 15 December 2020].

Piccolino, G., 2020. Local Peacebuilding In A Victor’S Peace. Why Local Peace Fails Without National Reconciliation. [online] Taylor & Francis. Available at: [Accessed 15 December 2020].

Raimundo, C.A., 2020. Managing relational conflict by closing the intention and behavioral gap through the use of a 3 dimensional visualisation and simulation model. Cogent Psychology7(1), p.1729592.

Richmond, O., 2020. 4. The Victors’ Peace In History. [online] Very Short Introductions online. Available at: [Accessed 15 December 2020].

Richmond, O.P., 2009. Becoming liberal, unbecoming liberalism: Liberal-local hybridity via the everyday as a response to the paradoxes of liberal peacebuilding. Journal of intervention and statebuilding3(3), pp.324-344.

Schäfer, C., Popa, S.A., Braun, D. and Schmitt, H., 2020. The reshaping of political conflict over Europe: from pre-Maastricht to post-‘Euro crisis’. West European Politics, pp.1-27.

Tom, P., 2017. Liberal peace and post-conflict peacebuilding in Africa. Springer.


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